Antics Of The History

Over lunch at the Nairobi Boulevard Hotel, Chesire gave me background to that story.

He told me that when Moi was vice-president and Biwott his personal assistant (PA), the latter used to complain aloud that people in Mount Kenya region, and those in Nandi, Kericho, and Uasin Gishu districts, had no respect for the VP (allegedly) because they had money.

“Rich people don’t obey and have no regard for authority,” Biwott used to complain.

Chesire recalled one evening at Eldoret Sirikwa Hotel when Biwott unleashed in a torrent of anger.

“You people have no respect for us because you have money and we don’t!

Wait until we get to power and we make the donkey catch up with the horse!”

He told me that was the “philosophy” behind the killing of the KFA, a fate that would soon befall other institutions and individual enterprises where there was money that the “system” — rather the “boss” — didn’t control.

Henceforth, it was the “boss” — also called HEDAM — who would decide which Kenyan should have money in the pocket and how much — and the “boss” would take it away when he felt like it!

For that to happen, not just KFA but any other enabler institution that put money in farmers’ pockets, was hauled to the guillotine.

That included, among others,
the Kenya Co-operative Creameries (KCC),
Kenya Planters Co-operative Union (KPCU),
Kenya Tea Development Authority (KTDA),
Pyrethrum Board,
Cotton Board,
Agricultural Finance Corporation (AFC),
Agricultural Development Corporation (ADC),
all sugar factories,
and the Pan-African Paper Mills.

Then followed the turn for individual enterprises to be sabotaged into bankruptcy.

Among the most remembered cases were indigenous-owned banks and financial institutions forced to close shop in the mid-1980s: Madhupaper International, fronted by media mogul S.K. Macharia, and an indigenous giant conglomerate called JK Kalinga Industries.

At about that time, five indigenous entrepreneurs' bid to purchase the local franchise of the US tyre-manufacturer Firestone was sabotaged by the “system” at the last minute and the business bought by the “big man” and his associates.

Repeating The Antics Of The History

Jubilee Alliance’s ‘Tuko Pamoja’ sloganeering and the white-shirts/red-ties PR razzmatazz, is all well known.

What is not known is how the two camps that could not see eye-to-eye in 2007 suddenly came together in 2012.

Behind the scenes was deceit, brinkmanship and, yes, blackmail.

SUCCESSION WAR

It is a bizarre, untold story best understood when you get to know how the Jubilee “brothers” financed the blitzkrieg that had the coalition win 2013 election — against all odds.

A huge chunk of the campaign war chest came from one faction in the coalition.

A little also came from notorious wheeler-dealers.

The deal, as negotiated, was that the faction with bigger financial muscle — thanks to old family money — would get the “big seat” but the other faction would be given Cabinet portfolios where there is “meat” — not just “bones” — so that they, too, would have something of their “own” come 2017 and beyond.

That was the condition put for the “donkey” in Jubilee to agree to travel same road with the “horse”.

It is also where the 10/10 deal, disowned by Jubilee vice-chairman David Murathe, was sealed. Apparently, he had dashed out to the washrooms when that happened!

Reading that article is more depressing than reading Covid-19 news.Who will save Kenya?

This "Wanjinga Sisi" issue is deeper than "Tribe".

In my own county, Martha Versus Waiguru brought this out clearly.

Something much deeper is at play than "mere" tribe.

This "Wanjinga Sisi" issue is deeper than "Tribe".

In my own county, Martha Versus Waiguru brought this out clearly.

Something much deeper is at play than "mere" tribe.